Skip to content
Link copied to clipboard

Obama critics question advisers' czar power

They say vetting is averted. The White House defends the practice.

Among the special advisers called on by the Obama administration are (clockwise, from upper left) George Mitchell, Richard Holbrooke, Dennis Blair, recently resigned Van Jones, Carol Browner, and Paul Volcker.
Among the special advisers called on by the Obama administration are (clockwise, from upper left) George Mitchell, Richard Holbrooke, Dennis Blair, recently resigned Van Jones, Carol Browner, and Paul Volcker.Read more

WASHINGTON - On paper, they are special advisers, chairs of White House boards, special envoys, and cabinet agency deputies, asked by the president to guide high-priority initiatives. But critics call them "czars" whose powers are not subject to congressional oversight, and their increasing numbers have become a flashpoint for conservative anger at President Obama.

Lists drawn up by conservative groups detail as many as 40 "czars" linked to Obama, though some of the positions existed long before he took office, and some did, in fact, win Senate approval.

There's "faith-based czar" Joshua DuBois, who heads the White House Office of Faith-Based and Neighborhood Partnerships, a post created by President George W. Bush in 2001; "Afghanistan czar" Richard Holbrooke, appointed by Obama as special envoy for Afghanistan and Pakistan; "intelligence czar" Dennis Blair, the director of national intelligence, a post created after the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks; "Mideast-peace czar" George Mitchell; and "border czar" Alan Bersin, an assistant Homeland Security secretary recently tasked with improving security along the southern border.

Some czars are guiding the president on central policy issues. Carol Browner is Obama's assistant for energy and climate change; Paul Volcker chairs the president's Economic Recovery Board; Ed Montgomery coordinates federal efforts to spark economic development in areas hard hit by the sharp decline in auto-industry jobs; and Nancy-Ann DeParle heads the White House Office of Health Reform.

Critics contend that the White House uses the appointments to circumvent the normal vetting process required for Senate confirmation and to avoid congressional oversight of their activities. They mobilized recently with the resignation of Van Jones, an adviser to the White House Council on Environmental Quality, who was the "green-jobs czar." Because of his status, Jones had not undergone the kind of vetting to which cabinet officials are subjected, leaving the White House exposed to controversy when Jones' past affiliations and comments were unearthed by a conservative commentator.

Earlier controversy centered on "car czar" Steven Rattner, who abruptly resigned in July. After leading the administration's efforts to restructure Chrysler and General Motors, Rattner departed amid reports that New York Attorney General Andrew Cuomo was investigating the Quadrangle Group, an investment firm cofounded by Rattner.

The White House defends using special advisers to coordinate responses to problems involving several agencies.

"Lots of these are designed to bring many different efforts together and coordinate them in a way that is more structured and more efficient than the governmental work chart might ordinarily allow," said White House press secretary Robert Gibbs.

As for accountability, Gibbs said that ultimately, "the president is the person accountable that the policy is right."

Historically, presidents have long used special officials to deal with difficult problems.

When the Mississippi River burst its levees in 1927, leaving more than 27,000 square miles flooded in seven states, President Calvin Coolidge invested extraordinary power in then-Commerce Secretary Herbert Hoover to oversee relief efforts. Hoover's success in mobilizing private humanitarian aid bolstered his national visibility.

Franklin D. Roosevelt appointed a host of special advisers to coordinate policy to combat the Great Depression. Richard Nixon named a drug czar and energy czar, to combat the burgeoning problem with illegal drugs and the oil crisis of the 1970s. And Bush named czars to coordinate policy efforts on a wide range of issues including bird flu, AIDS, cyber security, and the Gulf Coast reconstruction following Hurricane Katrina. By one count, Bush had 36 czar posts filled by 46 people during eight years as president.

Historian I.M. Destlar, a professor at the University of Maryland, said there are legitimate questions about the number of presidential advisers who do not face Senate confirmation. Still, he maintained, presidential czars can be valuable and increase government efficiency.

"Government is organized by traditional functions, and problems don't always fit into those categories," Destlar said. "You need people who are specifically substance-oriented, who are tasked to deal with particular problems."

Fueled by right-wing commentators such as Glenn Beck and Sean Hannity, the issue has grown into a staple of anti-Obama activism. Last weekend, at the "anti-big-government" march in Washington, some demonstrators carried signs saying, "CZARS BELONG IN RUSSIA."

Although the issue is mostly fanned by Republicans, members of Congress from both parties have questioned czar appointments. After Jones' departure, Rep. Patrick McHenry (R., N.C.) called for Obama's czars to testify before Congress about their "authority and responsibilities."

This past week, Sen. Susan Collins (R., Maine) and five other Republicans criticized the administration for encroaching on Congress' authority in establishing too many far-reaching czars. Rep. Mike Pence (R., Ind.), chairman of the House Republican Caucus, called on Obama to suspend any further czar appointments until Congress examines the roles and constitutionality of people now serving in them.

Rep. Jack Kingston (R., Ga.) introduced legislation in July that would effectively end the president's power to appoint special advisers.

On the Democratic side, Sen. Robert Byrd of West Virginia wrote to Obama in February asserting that "as presidential assistants and advisers, these White House staffers are not accountable for their actions to the Congress, to cabinet officials and to virtually anyone but the president."