For 19 years, the rebel Lord's Resistance Army in northern Uganda has abducted children to be soldiers and sex slaves. Half-hearted, intermittent negotiations have done little to end the targeting of civilians on both sides of the conflict.

How, then, will this war ever end?

Uganda may be 7,124 miles from the United States, but it does not lie outside the reach of Americans. A nation as rich and powerful as the United States has the ability to make a difference.

A nation that prizes human rights should feel a moral obligation to end the worst abuse of children on the planet. President Bush has spoken like a man who believes that.

This war, this horror of maimed bodies and savaged spirits, will not yield to a simple solution.

Because of LRA leader Joseph Kony's unpredictability and Uganda President Yoweri Museveni's mixed messages, a multipart strategy is required.

The United States can be a lead player in ending this humanitarian crisis. All that's needed are attention, will and moral courage.

Here, based on reports and on interviews with Ugandans and international experts, are ideas on how the United States can nurture peace in northern Uganda.

1. Publicity and pressure. U.S. media outlets need to give sustained attention to Uganda. American dollars also would be wisely spent by bolstering media outlets in Uganda that are promoting peace.

2. High-level political interest. Bush can show his intention to end these atrocities against children by naming an envoy to mediate the conflict. An excellent choice would be Roger Winter, a recently retired official with the U.S. Agency for International Development.

3. Protection of civilians. Museveni's government must do a much better job of protecting civilians from attacks by rebels and elements of his own, undisciplined military. Museveni has never come close to keeping his promise to protect civilians in camps.

Museveni should allow international peacekeepers to help him in defending the nation's border with Sudan so rebels cannot regroup there and in protecting civilians.

Kony is the big villain, but Museveni's role in perpetuating the conflict can't be ignored simply because he is an ally. Most of the 1.4 million displaced northerners got that way because Museveni told them to move to camps, which are still attacked and have become squalid and disease-ridden. Food shortages have caused rising malnutrition.

Here's one more point to make to Museveni. He's a friend of the West because he has invigorated the Ugandan economy and reduced the rate of HIV/AIDS in his country. He has made primary education universal, and he ended fighting in other parts of the country.

He should also want to be known for resolving a war that has caused children so much suffering.

4. Diplomacy. What should $172 million in U.S. nonmilitary foreign aid for Uganda in fiscal year 2004 ($171 million for fiscal year 2005) buy, besides nourishment, hardware and development projects?

Leverage.

Let Washington tell Kampala that the price for U.S. foreign dollars is a serious, consistent commitment from Museveni to embrace negotiations to end the fighting.

Ugandans must be the ones to fill in details of any agreement to end the violence. But the United States and other donor nations can give vigorous support to former Ugandan minister Betty Bigombe, who has been tireless in pursuing peace talks.

On Tuesday, United Nations emergency relief coordinator Jan Egelund briefed U.N. Security Council members, calling Kony possibly the most brutal warlord in the world. Earlier, Egelund said Bigombe's peace efforts present a precious opportunity that must not be squandered.

He is right.

5. Military pressure. Uganda has been given permission by Sudan to chase Kony across borders. The United States and other nations with sophisticated intelligence capabilities should help Museveni target the LRA with a pinpoint focus on Kony and his lieutenants.

6. Work with the LRA. Few things sound more unappealing than sitting down with the leaders of a group that has so brutalized innocents. Yet, those most familiar with the conflict say this must be done.

One of the biggest problems is that the LRA has no real political agenda; it seems driven by a mystical bloodlust. How do negotiations succeed in this void?

Bigombe, the mediator, might have to guide the LRA through talks, which are likely to feature an arrangement for Kony and others to stop the war by leaving the region.